Jonah
Goldberg, Liberal
Fascism or the Secret History of the American Left from Mussolini
to the Politics of Meaning (London: Penguin, 2007), 9.99£,
487 pages, ISBN: 978-0-141-03950-3—Priscilla Morin, Université
François Rabelais - Tours
Liberal
Fascism or the Secret History of the American Left from Mussolini
to the Politics of Meaning, written by Jonah Goldberg, is certainly
not a book that leaves you unaffected or neutral. Goldberg, a conservative
columnist and contributor to the National Review, has written what
seems like a serious historical analysis of fascism reinforced by
copious footnotes and bibliography. But the overall tone of the book
is reminiscent of right-wing talk radio in America, the likes of Rush
Limbaugh, or of the now deceased fundamentalist preacher Jerry Falwell.
The favorite technique of these conservatives is to hammer away at
their audience that the real fascists in America are feminists, liberals,
ecologists and homosexuals. All this is simply an attempt to sully
the left while exonerating the right of any wrongful intentions. Unlike
Limbaugh’s or Falwell’s, Goldberg’s diatribe against
liberals in America has the veneer of a well-researched historical
analysis which makes this book all the more worrisome. Many readers
could be led by the supposedly well-supported arguments to take Goldberg’s
interpretations seriously. Incoherence and telling omissions, however,
are to be found in such numbers in this work that, in the end, the
overall impression is of another revisionist attempt to redefine the
roles of important events and presidents in the U.S.
Goldberg starts his work by defining “fascism” in a chapter
called, ”Everything you Know About Fascism is Wrong”:
already a rather subjective title. Fascism, Goldberg says, is ”a
religion of the state. It assumes the organic unity of a body politic
and longs for a national leader attuned to the will of the people”.
Goldberg then goes on to say that it views “any action by the
state as justified to achieve the common good “[23]. Although
his definition is cleverly presented, the reader is surprised to learn
that Woodrow Wilson, U.S. President during World War 1, and New Deal
President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, as well as the Progressives of the
Progressive movement which started in the late 1800s were in reality
all fascists. Goldberg then proceeds to attempt to prove that American
liberalism encompasses all the aspects of his definition with its
emphasis on the all powerful state seeking to set up the perfect society.
Before taking the reader on a hunt for what he purports to be the
fascist disease in America (or perhaps it is only the Democratic Party
that is sick), Goldberg devotes a chapter each to Mussolini and to
Hitler. Mussolini is a far more convincing fascist and in Goldberg’s
description is a compassionate, strong leader concerned by bringing
discipline and order to a country severely in need of structure and
strong leadership. The book fails to mention, however, that both Italian/fascists
and German/Nazis at the beginning were merely street thugs who gradually
assumed political power and took over the control of government, and,
once having done so, proceeded to persecute everyone who was socialist
or communist. Both became violently anti-socialist, the Italian Squadristi
beat up and murdered the socialists who had supported Mussolini before
he came to power. The Nazi concentration camps were full of socialists
and communists in addition to the Jews. Goldberg seems to have a certain
fascination for Mussolini as he develops his persona in more detail
than Hitler’s. But then how could he justify the Nazi concentration
camps?
The book continues to describe every kind of “liberal”
ideology from the Progressives to Hillary Clinton as examples of American
fascism, leaving out, however, all the Republican Presidents in the
same period. The Ku Klux Klan is barely mentioned and there is no
mention of the right-wing nationalist white brotherhood movements
in the U.S. that could be more accurately defined as fascist groups.
People, like David Duke, former KKK member from Louisiana, whom many
might think a more real fascist than President Franklin D. Roosevelt
could ever have been, are also never discussed.
Instead the book skillfully exposes arguments to show how the steps
taken by President Woodrow Wilson during World War I to gain popular
support for the war effort - actions such as setting up the Committee
on Public Information, a propaganda organ, encouraging citizens to
spy on each other, and to seek out those of German ancestry, or passing
the Sedition Act, which banned disloyal or abusive language about
the U.S. government and the military - in essence led to a form of
socialist dictatorship. Goldberg is almost convincing in his analysis
of Wilson as a fascist, but he fails to mention that all these steps
were dismantled after the war. The years after Wilson saw Republican
presidents in office and a rise in a new Ku Klux Klan and the racist
1921 and 1924 National Origins Act, but these are never mentioned.
Curiously, the chapter on Franklin D. Roosevelt is much less convincing
in its attempts to depict Roosevelt as a fascist. Goldberg cites just
a few examples like the Civil Conservation Corps which provided a
form of military discipline to unemployed young people. This Goldberg
says is what Mussolini did. In reading this chapter one gets the feeling
that the author doesn’t seem to have a very clear handle on
just how Franklin D. Roosevelt was a fascist.
The book then skips over the Eisenhower years as though they were
barely worth mentioning in the search for fascists and only briefly
talks about the Joseph McCarthy period as almost unimportant. According
to Goldberg, “Nothing that happened under the mad reign of Joe
McCarthy remotely compares with what Wilson and his fellow progressives
foisted on America.”[113]
Quickly turning to the Kennedy years, the book points out how perfectly
Kennedy fit the fascist playbook on every front: creation of crisis,
rationalistic appeals to unity, the celebration of martial values,
and the utilization of mass media to glamorize the state and its program,
a cult of personality, even the Peace Corps is a martial organization.
It is obviously in the last half of the book where Goldberg enjoys
himself the most as he races from the cult of the state under Lyndon
Johnson and his war on poverty, to the politics of meaning of Hilary
Clinton, glossing over the Reagan and Bush years. It is this part
that more closely resembles talk radio, as Goldberg rants on about
Hilary Clinton as on old-style Progressive. At this point the reader
has understood that for Goldberg fascism can only be understood as
a Democratic Party disease. The last chapters are perhaps more amusing
as the author lets himself go on a no-holds-barred attack against
the liberal-Fascist elites.
“Liberal Fascism” in essence is a weak attempt by a right-wing
conservative at historical revisionism, supported by mostly secondary
sources. It is reminiscent of other endeavors made, by some recent
historians, to deny things like the existence of the Holocaust. This
is far from scholarly research which starts out with no conclusions
but formulates its opinion after careful reading of serious sources.
This book does the opposite. It starts out with a foregone conclusion
and seeks sources to support its thesis.
© 2009
Priscilla Morin & GRAAT